The emergence of Peronism meant a quantitative problem for all political parties, for the potential loss of electoral support. For the Argentine Communist Party (ACP), it was a theoretical problem as well – the working class, the subject of History for Marxists, was deviating from its historical mission. Moreover, as a member of the international Communist movement guided by the Soviet Union and because of the priority it was giving to the anti-Fascist struggle, the ACP found itself confronting “Nazi-Peronism” – a mass movement stemming from a Fascist-like military dictatorship.

This paper attempts to understand the linkages between human capital and input choice in agricultural firms. The hypothesis to be tested is that better educated managers choose different input combinations than managers with a lower educational level. In particular, the hypothesis is that the ratio between non-land and land input increases as education increases. Non-land inputs include fertilizers, machinery services, herbicides, animal stocks and others. An increase in the non-land/land input ratio results in increased output (and costs) per unit of land.

Este trabajo repasa las dos principales ramas principales de la literatura empírica sobre cuantificación del impacto de la responsabilidad ambiental corporativa. La primera de éstas comprende varios estudios de eventos ambientales. Lo que se cuantifica son los retornos “anormales” que pueden atribuirse a noticias referidas a la manera en que las empresas cuidan el medio ambiente. Los resultados difieren según que el estudio sea para países en desarrollo o desarrollados, según que las noticias sean positivas o negativas, la empresa sea de un sector u otro, etc.

En las líneas que siguen me ocupo de la persona de Guido Di Tella, de mi reciente relectura de La estrategia del desarrollo indirecto (Di Tella, 1973) y de cómo hay que plantear en Argentina la política económica referida al sector industrial, en los tiempos que corren.

This paper sets forth another contribution to the long standing debate over cost of capital, firstly by introducing a multiplicative model that translates the inner structure of the weighted average cost of capital rate and, secondly, adjusting such rate for governance risk. The conventional wisdom states that the cost of capital may be figured out by means of a weighted average of debt and capital.

Los valores son las creencias del individuo o del grupo acerca de lo que se considera importante en la vida, tanto en los aspectos éticos o morales como en los que no lo son. Dan el fundamento sobre el cual se formulan juicios y se realizan elecciones. Existen valores morales, culturales, sociales, políticos, religiosos. Y también valores corporativos a los cuales adhieren organizaciones e instituciones que, en muchos casos, pueden contener la clave de su éxito o fracaso.

The purpose of the essay is to investigate the proposition that a free-trade treaty with a superpower is more effective in promoting exports, investment and per capita growth than a unilateral opening to free trade. To that end we study five success stories: Chile (unilateral opening), Mexico (treaty with a superpower), Spain (supranational integration), Japan (forced unilateral opening), and Argentina in the 19th century (informal treaty with a superpower). We conclude that the historical evidence supports the proposition.

Previo a la reciente creación del Sistema Integrado Previsional Argentino (SIPA), la Reforma del Sistema Previsional en 2007 representó el primer cambio significativo desde el año 1994. Por primera vez los trabajadores cuyas contribuciones se dirigían al régimen privado de capitalización, pudieron libremente optar por pasarse al régimen de público de reparto.

This document attempts to measure the global penetration of peripheral realism, a theory of international relations coined in Argentina during the 1980s and 90s. It includes a list of doccuments from several different countries in which the words “peripheral realism” are included in titles or subtitles.

One important cultural factor that has contributed to inhibiting regional cooperation and integration in Latin America lies in the intense territorial nationalism prevailing in some of its Spanish-speaking countries. This frequently understated phenomenon is an outgrowth of the territorial disputes inherited from Colonial times, and of the indoctrination of public opinion through the educational system and the mass media. Indeed, nearly all of the Spanish-speaking countries of South America harbor myths of territorial losses.